The LAFF Society

March 26, 2010

World Water Day March 22nd 2010

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 7:09 am

Contributed by David Winder, CEO of WaterAid America who was with the Ford Foundation from 1980 to 1992 in various overseas offices.

On March 22nd about 400 guests met in the National Geographic Building in Washington D.C. to celebrate World Water Day and to draw attention to the fact that nearly one billion people lack access to safe drinking water and 2.5 billion live without improved sanitation. The event was organized by a coalition of nearly 30 diverse groups from the water, sanitation, hygiene and health sectors to raise awareness and to call for stronger commitments and more robust action to ensure universal access to safe drinking water and sanitation.

An inspiring array of speakers discussed the devastating consequences of the lack of safe water, sanitation and hygiene particularly in Africa and Asia. Despite the resources invested by governments, international organizations and foundations, including the Ford Foundation over many decades, diarrhea still claims the life of a child every 15 seconds and more than half of the world’s hospital beds are occupied by patients suffering from diseases caused by inadequate or unsafe water and sanitation.

The presentations by representatives from all sectors showed that solutions exist but what is lacking is political will. Many solutions are simple and affordable such as hand-dug wells, harvested rainwater for drinking, protected springs, hygiene education and latrine construction. My organization, WaterAid (www.wateraidamerica.org) is committed to finding solutions in 26 countries working in close partnership with local communities and NGOs.

At the event a special issue of the National Geographic on water was launched (available at http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2010/04/water-slaves/rosenberg-text, available at no cost through April 2). We were privileged to have the efforts of one of our partner communities, Foro in Ethiopia, profiled in an article written by Pulitzer-prize winning author Tina Rosenberg. I would encourage you all to read that piece titled “Burden of Thirst.” It describes with extraordinary empathy the daily struggle of Aylito Binayo to collect water from a polluted river and the transformation that safe water in the community will mean to her life. We were also privileged that a PBS NewsHour report on another community project supported by WaterAid in Ethiopia was also screened at the event, available at http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/weather/jan-june10/ethiopia_03-18.html.

Those present were delighted to hear Secretary of State Hillary Clinton speak with passion about how increasing access to safe drinking water, sanitation and hygiene will save lives that are now being lost to preventable disease. She underscored the critical importance of water and sanitation in implementing President Obama’s Global Health Initiative and gave her commitment to giving priority to addressing water challenges globally. You may watch her full remarks at http://www.wateraidamerica.org/about_us/newsroom/us_secretary_of_state_marks_world_water_day.aspx.

Please contact me at dwinder@wateraidamerica.org if you would like further information on World Water Day or the work of WaterAid.

March 18, 2010

Gary S. Sick Receives Award

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 3:38 pm

On Thursday, April 8, 2010, in the Faculty House Presidential Room at Columbia University, Gary S. Sick will be presented with the Tannenbaum-Warner Award for Distinguished Service to the University Seminars.

Gary Sick served on the National Security Council staff under Presidents Ford, Carter and Reagan. He was the principal White House aide for Iran during the Iranian Revolution and the hostage crisis and is the author of two books on U.S.-Iran relations, in addition to several other edited books and articles dealing with U.S. Middle East policy. Mr. Sick is a captain (ret.) in the U.S. Navy, with service in the Persian Gulf, North Africa and the Mediterranean. He was the deputy director for International Affairs at the Ford Foundation from 1982 to 1987. Mr. Sick has a Ph.D. in political science from Columbia University, where he is Senior Research Scholar, adjunct professor of international affairs, and former director of the Middle East Institute (2000-2003). He teaches in the School of International and Public Affairs, where he was voted one of the top five teachers in 2009. He is a member (emeritus) of the board of Human Rights Watch in New York and founding chair of its advisory committee on the Middle East and North Africa. He is the executive director of Gulf/2000, an international online research project on political, economic and security developments in the Persian Gulf, being conducted at Columbia University since 1993.

March 17, 2010

SWEET CRUDE

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 5:12 am

From Menno vanWyk who worked in the Jakarta Office from 1974 to 1977.

***D.C. PREMIERE***

Date: 3/19/10 6:30 pm

Directed by: Sandy Cioffi

SWEET CRUDE (USA, 2009, 93 min.)

Washington, D.C. Premiere In a small corner of the most populous country in Africa, billions of dollars of crude oil flow under the feet of a desperate people. Immense wealth and abject poverty stand in stark contrast. The environment is destroyed. The issues are complex, the answers elusive. The documentary film Sweet Crude tells the story of Nigeria’s Niger Delta. The region is seething and the global stakes are high. But in this moment, there’s an opportunity to find solutions. What if the world paid attention before it was too late? Directed by Sandy Cioffi. Produced by Kate Wolf, Leslye Wood and Tammi Sims.

Introduced by a representative of AED. Discussion with filmmaker Sandy Cioffi follows screening.

Ticket/Reservation Info:

FREE

AED Globe Theater
1927 Florida Ave., NW
(METRO: Dupont Circle, Q St. exit)

“The Environmental Film Festival transforms the movie screen into a window to the world for audiences to wonder at the beauty, bear witness to injustice, and gather the righteous energy to make things better.” - Gawain Kripke, Oxfam America

March 14, 2010

Public option is what the country needs

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 11:06 am

Susan Goodwillie Stedman was with the Ford Foundation from 1971 to 1978 in the Africa and Middle East Programs.

From the Bangor Daily News  March 14, 2010

By Susan Goodwillie Stedman

After a full year of debate, it’s time to do something about health care reform. Everything, indeed, has been said, by just about everybody. Our present “system” is untenable. It is killing 45,000 people a year (because they have no insurance), driving those who survive into bankruptcy and sending our national deficit into the stratosphere. Is this really what Republicans want?

The president has invited the opposing party to give their all, and their response has been little more than “No, no, no,” accompanied by talking points full of lies.

Let’s get a few things straight.

We are the only industrialized, western society that doesn’t have universal health care — known here as the public option. Most medical professionals agree that the only way to have a healthier society (while, by the way, creating huge efficiencies) is by pooling risk in a national health care plan.

Republicans say they are worried about the deficit — as they should be, having driven it through the roof with billions lost to an insane Iraq war and the $1.8 trillion deficit created by their tax cuts for the very rich.

But there’s another kind of waste they should be concerned about — the nearly 2,000 daily health care-related personal bankruptcies, the more than 25 percent that insurance companies spend on administration (including huge bonuses for their CEOs), as opposed to Medicare’s 6 percent, not to mention the skyrocketing rate hikes private insurance companies are imposing yearly on their beleaguered customers (and the businesses that can no longer hire people because of the spiking costs of health insurance).

In my youth, before I turned 65 three years ago, I was afflicted with crippling arthritis in my hip. I could hardly walk. Self-employed, I bought my own health insurance. The plan I could afford was Anthem’s, which cost $389 a month and carried with it a $15,000 annual deductible. There was no way I could afford to get my hip fixed. I’d never imagined I’d be so thrilled to turn 65, but I was, because Medicare would make it possible for me to walk again.

In 2009, our worst economic year since the Great Depression, our top five insurance companies, whose CEOs’ salaries were in the multimillions, still managed to raise their profits by 56 percent. What are they doing with this excess money? Spending $1.4 million a day on lobbyists hellbent on defeating a health care reform bill that would help people and begin to bring this country into parity with the rest of the civilized world.

So, why not Medicare for everybody? It is way more efficient than private insurance, and it’s accountable to us, the people it serves. Rapacious private health insurance companies are, apparently, accountable to few others than their shareholders (who, in turn, subsidize their bonus-rich CEOs). It is an outrage that health insurance is such a hugely profit-making industry.

Republicans’ fearmongering talk of a “government takeover” of health care is nonsense. What we’re talking about is the choice of a public option versus private insurers. Didn’t Republicans used to want choice? Besides, government is already administering almost half of our health care, through Medicare and Medicaid, and is doing it far more efficiently than the private sector.

But, we’re told the public option is gone. The choice of a public option would have given us an opportunity to reduce the deficit, provide health insurance to the 47 million Americans who have none and make us a healthier nation. That was what the people wanted, but the insurance industry’s money and power over our elected representatives had far more sway than we possibly could have. How very sad.

The naysaying obstructionists have so poisoned the air that the bill that will now go to a reconciliation vote is less than it should be, but far, far better than nothing at all, and it can be a foundation for future improvements. Doing nothing would be catastrophic.

Susan Goodwillie Stedman of Westport Island worked for the United Nations and Ford Foundation on international development issues and was the first executive director of Refugees International.

Is Charity Navigator About To Veer Off Course?

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 11:01 am

From The Hauser Center

Submitted by HHC Admin on March 8, 2010 – 5:11 pm2 Comments

By Steven Lawry

In response to this blog’s invitation of a variety of views on Charity Navigator’s decision to change its rating system (to reflect accountability and outcomes measures in addition to financial metrics like overhead),Steven Lawry provides his perspective on where this move might lead.

Charity Navigator is one of the best known and widely used charity rating services available in the US today.  Its current rating system is based on the simple notion that charities committing a greater portion of their budgets to program activities as opposed to fund-raising and administrative costs are likely to have greater impact than those that don’t. As such these charities are judged more deserving of donor support and rated accordingly.

On December 1, 2009, Charity Navigator’s CEO Ken Berger announced plans to expand Charity Navigator’s ratings system to include two additional measures of organizational performance:  accountability and outcomes. Is this cause for celebration?  Creation of a fair and meaningful ratings system for accountability strikes me as achievable and desirable.  But a simple system for rating outcomes is not, in my view, achievable.  I worry that Charity Navigator is about to embark on an endeavor that has the potential to over-simplify complex questions of outcome assessment.  Questions of financial management and accountability, though they present their own measurement and assessment difficulties, speak more directly to what can realistically be known about the prospects for a charity to be effective and successful.

Put simply, strong organizations do good work.  To insist that, as a condition of funding, a well-led and managed charity also show particular kinds of outcomes, often of inherently doubtful methodological foundation, suggests a lack of understanding of the complexity of the environments in which charities work and the very nature and purposes of charitable endeavor itself.

Many good charities strive mightily to measure outcomes for their own management purposes.  But even charities engaged in what appear to be simple, direct and easily measured activities find it difficult to accurately assess impact.  And rarely do they claim exclusive credit for good outcomes.

Let’s take the example of a charity working in a low-income country to reduce child malnutrition by delivering food and nutrition training to mothers with children under five-years of age (a particularly vulnerable age group.)  The charity may be well-managed and can demonstrate that a high proportion of their budget goes directly to program activities.  But improvements in child nutrition, to be fair, are the result of the work of many, including other charities, public agencies and families and communities themselves.  How do we isolate a single charity’s contribution from those of others?  Experienced managers don’t try, because they know it’s not possible and not a very good use of their time.

In many settings, the food distributed by the charity might not be paid for by private donations at all but byUSAID or the UN World Food Program.  Here private donations augment a large core budget provided by government donors.  The charity would be required to work to USAID’s or WFP’s fairly rigorous and sometimes constraining guidelines.  The charity is principally a contractor with very few degrees of freedom to manage innovatively.  Any claims about its impact may be as much a reflection of management controls imposed by government donors than internally-generated policies and practices.

Getting a fine or even rough measure of the distinctive contribution of one charity isolated from the work of others is difficult, to say the least.  Many social scientists would argue that only randomized-control trials could possibly isolate the effects of the charity’s contribution from that of other influences.  These are expensive to carry out but may not offer better insight to a charity’s performance than its experienced manager can provide by monitoring changes in children’s weight and collecting feedback from various partners.  This is what well-run, accountable charities do routinely.  But in doing so, charitable managers know that improvements or setbacks are due only partially to their efforts.

The problem of attribution of impact becomes even more complicated as the number of variables affecting problems a charity addresses but which are beyond its direct influence increase.  I’ve spent time recently with the leaders of a charity working with young people at risk (aged 13-23) in a poor neighborhood in Boston.   The charity provides a multitude of services:  education, counseling, sports facilities, drug rehabilitation, hot lunches, job placement, referral services, and temporary refuge from abusive homes.  Individual kids drop in and out and back into the center’s programs as their personal needs and circumstances change.  The charity has worked in the area for 30 years.  The city manager and the local police chief will tell you that the presence of the charity explains, in their minds at least, why their community has the lowest level of youth encounters with the police of any community with comparable levels of income in Massachusetts.

Yet this charity struggles mightily to generate the kind of quantitative indices demonstrating the impacts of its work, isolated somehow from the influences of schools, families, the job market and the police, that federal funding agencies increasingly insist upon.  Not only is this unfair; it belies an ignorance of the uncertain and hardly measurable nature of the many influences that shape and touch our lives, whatever our social or economic status. This is a morass that Charity Navigator should strive to avoid. Will it rely on the overly narrow federal government’s assessment of our Boston-based charity and other charities like it or will they check in with local police chiefs and city managers also?

My two examples above speak to the difficulties of assessing the impact of charities dedicated to direct delivery of services.  Many other nonprofit organizations don’t provide client services at all, but advocate for social change (or the status quo), promote human rights and better governance, and call for government policies and funding that benefit the communities they care about.   Donors give to these organizations because they share a commitment to their missions.  But donors usually understand that positive outcomes are uncertain, the road is long, and that change, if it comes, will be the result of many influences, including sometimes unexpected changes in the larger political and social environment.  Here, donors want to be assured that the charities they support are working as effectively as they possibly can.  But wise donors often rightly have modest expectations about near-term positive outcomes.

Outcomes assessment is a highly complicated, uncertain and increasingly contentious undertaking.   Charities work on difficult, complex and sometimes intractable problems.  Let’s not reduce their appetite or ambition for working on the really hard problems in deference to easier problems that are more susceptible to quick impact and simple measurement.  I would rather that Charity Navigator retain (and improve) its financial performance rating, add a measure for accountability, and drop any pretense that they can credibly score outcomes.  Well-run, transparent and accountable organizations are making the most of their talent and funding to bring about positive outcomes.  Charity Navigator will be doing service enough by drawing our attention to organizations that are well-run and well-governed.

Steven Lawry, Senior Research Fellow at the Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations, is currently based in Juba, Southern Sudan, where he heads a USAID-funded project assisting the Government of Southern Sudan to develop a new land policy.

2 Comments »

  • This is a critical discussion. There is a great danger that we will simply trade one simplistic measure for another. The problem lies in reducing any complex activity down to a grade or to stars. No rating system can possibly capture the underlying complexity, and worse, a rating system enables the public addiction to simplicity. We must stop catering to this. Donors have to take time to learn about the organizations they are going to invest in, and once they’re satisfied, trust those organizations to do what they do best.

    We need a national assessment apparatus that can do four things: 1) provide rich narrative, video and survey information, 2) update it on an annual basis, 3) provide it for a meaningful fraction of the 1.1 million nonprofits out there and 4) do it inside a user interface that makes people want to spend time there. None of this will be cheap. We keep looking for cheap solutions. Instead, we should invest a meaningful fraction of the $300 billion given to charity each year in some analysis of what that money os doing, or trying to do. And as well intentioned as Charity navigator is, its $1 million annual budget isn’t close to what will be required.

  • Tom Kelly says:

    Lawry correctly notes the challenges of defining and measuring social impact across the sector, but donors and investors want more than simply knowing efficiency of expenditures–they do want to invest in results and outcomes- and emphasizing the need for result and performance measurement is a good thing. I agree that nonprofits need to strengthen their own accountability mechanisms (including transparency of reporting to customers/clients/community and not just funders), but I don’t think the CharityNavigator intent is to go “off track” towards establishing causal linkages (which is the work of research and evaluation on more focused questions of attribution and effect) but to promote the answering of the question of whether a difference was made, whether there was a positive contribution (not necessarily a certain or sole attribution) to impact or change. Too many nonprofits cannot answer the question clearly for board members, investors, or the public: “What positive difference did we make?”

March 4, 2010

Public Capacity and Public Trust

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 7:06 am

Michael Lipsky worked at the Ford Foundation in 1965 and again in 1991 to 2003 in Governance and Public Policy.

From The American Prospect

Can we reverse the vicious circle of frustrated citizens denying state government adequate resources — and then resenting the lack of state services?

DIANNE STEWART AND MICHAEL LIPSKY | February 1, 2010

For 30 years we have witnessed a downward spiral of eroding public trust in government. While the federal government deals with the most momentous issues — national security, health reform, global climate change — state government has borne the brunt of a self-deepening tax revolt.

The fiscal noose imposed by tax and spending caps, now exacerbated by the recession, undermines states’ ability to raise necessary revenues. The process erodes state governments’ basic capacity to operate effectively — which further destroys public trust. This vicious circle diminishes the willingness of Americans to entrust government at any level with tackling challenges that call for decisive action or for planning and investment in the future.

As revenue collections decline due to the recession, states raise taxes or cut services to balance budgets. In hard times, reductions in public services are not only cruel but counterproductive — in a recession the economy requires not less but more public spending.

In the current crisis, government agencies cope by reducing staff, cutting hours of operation, closing local offices, increasing hurdles for service eligibility, and raising standards for what constitutes emergencies worthy of intervention. As they decimate university systems, health-care programs, public-education funding, and other essential services, the agencies reinforce the belief that states are incompetent.

The federal stimulus program enacted last year helped the states but made up only 30 percent to 40 percent of their budget shortfalls. A second round of federal support is far from certain. As this special report demonstrates, without further federal assistance, the prospect for the states is grim.

***

For the most part, states are where policies become visible and people experience public programs directly. Frontline public services forge popular expectations of government. For example, state actions will determine the success of national health-care reform and will influence public opinion on the legitimacy of federal efforts to restore economic prosperity.

Yet few Americans grasp what state governments do, how they contribute to our country’s well-being, and how our federal system actually works. For instance, we educate our children through local governments required to meet state standards and aided with state and federal funds. If they attend college, most Americans receive higher education through state colleges and universities, which are financed with state funds; these costs are often supplemented through federal grants and student aid. Many of the critical programs that provide for people in need, particularly in hard times — Medicaid for low-income and disabled people, unemployment insurance, and the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program — are state partnerships with the federal government.

Many might be surprised that the work force of state and local governments exceeds federal employment. At the last census (2002), 12.1 million people worked for the federal government, including military personnel and post-office workers, but 15.6 million worked for state and local governments.

As our research at De¯mos reveals, too many people now see government only as polarized politics or as an undifferentiated, ineffective bureaucracy. The public has lost touch with the ways the quality of life of communities depends on government. People have lost track of government’s role in long-term planning and as steward of schools, roads, police services, and other essential public facilities. Constructive responses to the fiscal crisis, if they are to emerge, will require reconstituting an understanding of the critical role of government and support for the public purposes it embodies.

The fiscal troubles of the states are unfolding in the context of a deeply embedded public distrust of government that has been engendered over decades by individuals actively hostile to government and by organizations that promote a small government, low-tax ideology. This past year the backlash against the bailout of financial institutions, the rejection of a public option in health-care reform, and the emergence of passionate “tea party” protests all bore witness to this distrust. At the state level, the manifestations were rampant. In the midst of the worst state fiscal crisis in decades, some state governors even found it politically expedient to refuse emergency federal-assistance funds in perverse appeals to anti-government sentiment.

Public-opinion polling confirms that trust in state government is related to its ongoing capacity to manage state affairs. According to the Gallup organization, in the 1990s, about two-thirds of Americans had at least a fair degree of confidence in their state’s ability to handle state problems. By the downturn of 2003, the last time states cut services drastically, this figure dipped to barely half. In 2009, public trust fell again, as all but two states experienced significant budget shortfalls

***

This cycle of public distrust and government contraction can be broken. At stake is the viability of all levels of government in a time when effective and adequately resourced public structures are as crucial as ever. Over the last five years, De¯mos has sponsored research and engaged with state partners in extensive field work across the country to develop strategies to break this cycle. This work suggests several steps that can begin to create a more constructive climate.

First, elected and appointed officials, as well as prominent civic and nonprofit leaders, need to promote a positive view of the mission and purpose of the public sector and offer a vision of the government to which we should aspire. For example, in his speech to Congress on health-insurance reform, President Barack Obama modeled a balanced approach that recognized government’s necessary role: “Our predecessors understood … that the danger of too much government is matched by the perils of too little; that without the leavening hand of wise policy, markets can crash, monopolies can stifle competition, the vulnerable can be exploited.” At every opportunity, we must make visible the essential roles that government is uniquely positioned to fulfill and which cannot be adequately undertaken by individuals or by private institutions.

Second, leaders can help citizens understand public systems and structures and the taxes that support them as necessary means to achieve the common good. Years of conservative rhetoric have ingrained in our national psyche the idea that the public good is best served by the dogged pursuit of private interest and that taxes merely deprive individuals and companies of their own money. While campaigning successfully to be governor of Massachusetts, Deval Patrick turned an opponent’s demand to “give back” taxpayers’ money into an appeal to people’s innate sense of community. “It is their money,” he declared during a debate, “but it’s also their broken road. And it’s their overcrowded school. It’s their broken neighborhood and broken neighbor. … It’s not this idea that people earn what they earn and have no responsibility for the Commonwealth. We have a responsibility, in addition to personal responsibility, to take charge of shared responsibility.”

Third, in seeking public support for government initiatives, we can rekindle Americans’ sense of citizenship and community. As a practical matter, this approach broadens the constituency for the initiative. In Wisconsin, advocates canvassing for a local tax measure realized in the midst of their campaign that they were not making headway and switched tactics to talk with voters about quality of life and the need to come together for the good of their community. In winning a surprising victory, they attributed success to the increased receptivity of voters to this new approach. Similar stories are told by leaders in other states, including those in Massachusetts and North Carolina.

Finally, it’s possible to cultivate public confidence that government can be a mechanism for pragmatic problem-solving to achieve a secure and prosperous future. Our research indicates that when this image is evoked, Americans are much more likely to have a constructive view of government and are more inclined to support specific progressive policies. Candidates and organizations whose policy goals require state revenues and depend upon effective government action should offer an aspirational picture of how adequately funded and competently managed public systems can serve people’s needs.

The state fiscal crisis is the front line of this struggle. State governments, no less than the banking system, are too important to fail. States’ ability to weather the fiscal storms, while also cultivating support for their public missions and the revenues necessary to fund them, will either help redeem the case for the role of government — or further undermine support for the public sector.

Dianne Stewart, the program director of Public Works, is a veteran of state government and advocacy on issues affecting low-income families.

Michael Lipsky, a political scientist, is senior program director at Public Works, a Program of Demos. He is the co-author of Commission Politics: The Processing of Racial Crisis in America.

March 3, 2010

Elinor Ostrom Wins Nobel for Common(s) Sense

Filed under: Members' Blog — Treasurer @ 10:18 am
Fran Korten spent 20 years with the Ford Foundation making grants to support community management of water and forests in Southeast Asia and the United States.
Friday 26 February 2010

by: Fran Korten |  Yes! Magazine

photo
Elinor Ostrom. (Photo Chris Meyer, Indiana University)

Elinor Ostrom was an unusual choice for the 2009 Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences.

For one thing, she is the first woman to receive the prize. Her Ph.D. is in political science, not economics (though she minored in economics, collaborates with many economists, and considers herself a political economist). But what makes this award particularly special is that her work is about cooperation, while standard economics focuses on competition.

Ostrom’s seminal book, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action, was published in 1990. But her research on common property goes back to the early 1960s, when she wrote her dissertation on groundwater in California. In 1973 she and her husband, Vincent Ostrom, founded the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University. In the intervening years, the Workshop has produced hundreds of studies of the conditions in which communities self-organize to solve common problems. Ostrom currently serves as professor of political science at Indiana University and senior research director of the Workshop.

Fran Korten, YES! Magazine’s publisher, spent 20 years with the Ford Foundation making grants to support community management of water and forests in Southeast Asia and the United States. She and Ostrom drew on one another’s work as this field of knowledge developed. Fran interviewed her friend and colleague Lin Ostrom shortly after Ostrom received the Nobel Prize.

Fran Korten: When you first learned that you had won the Nobel Prize in Economics, were you surprised?

Elinor Ostrom: Yes. It was quite surprising. I was both happy and relieved.

Fran: Why relieved?

Elinor: Well, relieved in that I was doing a bunch of research through the years that many people thought was very radical and people didn’t like. As a person who does interdisciplinary work, I didn’t fit anywhere. I was relieved that, after all these years of struggle, someone really thought it did add up. That’s very nice.

And it’s very nice for the team that I’ve been a part of here at the Workshop. We have had a different style of organizing. It is an interdisciplinary center—we have graduate students, visiting scholars, and faculty working together. I never would have won the Nobel but for being a part of that enterprise.

Fran: It’s interesting that your research is about people learning to cooperate. And your Workshop at the university is also organized on principles of cooperation.

Elinor: I have a new book coming out in May entitled Working Together, written with Amy Poteete and Marco Janssen. It is on collective actions in the commons. What we’re talking about is how people work together. We’ve used an immense array of different methods to look at this question—case studies, including my own dissertation and Amy’s work, modeling, experiments, large-scale statistical work. We show how people use multiple methods to work together.

Fran: Many people associate “the commons” with Garrett Hardin’s famous essay, “The Tragedy of the Commons.” He says that if, for example, you have a pasture that everyone in a village has access to, then each person will put as many cows on that land as he can to maximize his own benefit, and pretty soon the pasture will be overgrazed and become worthless. What’s the difference between your perspective and Hardin’s?

Elinor: Well, I don’t see the human as hopeless. There’s a general tendency to presume people just act for short-term profit. But anyone who knows about small-town businesses and how people in a community relate to one another realizes that many of those decisions are not just for profit and that humans do try to organize and solve problems.

If you are in a fishery or have a pasture and you know your family’s long-term benefit is that you don’t destroy it, and if you can talk with the other people who use that resource, then you may well figure out rules that fit that local setting and organize to enforce them. But if the community doesn’t have a good way of communicating with each other or the costs of self-organization are too high, then they won’t organize, and there will be failures.

Fran: So, are you saying that Hardin is sometimes right?
We have to think through how to choose a meaningful life where we’re helping one another in ways that really help the Earth.

Elinor: Yes. People say I disproved him, and I come back and say “No, that’s not right. I’ve not disproved him. I’ve shown that his assertion that common property will always be degraded is wrong.” But he was addressing a problem of considerable significance that we need to take seriously. It’s just that he went too far. He said people could never manage the commons well.

At the Workshop we’ve done experiments where we create an artificial form of common property—such as an imaginary fishery or pasture, and we bring people into a lab and have them make decisions about that property. When we don’t allow any communication among the players, then they overharvest. But when people can communicate, particularly on a face-to-face basis, and say, “Well, gee, how about if we do this? How about we do that?” Then they can come to an agreement.

Fran: But what about the “free-rider” problem—where some people abide by the rules and some people don’t? Won’t the whole thing fall apart?

Elinor: Well if the people don’t communicate and get some shared norms and rules, that’s right, you’ll have that problem. But if they get together and say, “Hey folks, this is a project that we’re all going to have to contribute to. Now, let’s figure it out,” they can make it work. For example, if it’s a community garden, they might say, “Do we agree every Saturday morning we’re all going to go down to the community garden, and we’re going to take roll and we’re going to put the roll up on a bulletin board?” A lot of communities have figured out subtle ways of making everyone contribute, because if they don’t, those people are noticeable.

Fran: So public shaming and public honoring are one key to managing the commons?

Elinor: Shaming and honoring are very important. We don’t have as much of an understanding of that. There are scholars who understand that, but that’s not been part of our accepted way of thinking about collective action.

Fran: Do you have a favorite example of where people have been able to self-organize to manage property in common?

Elinor: One that I read early on that just unglued me—because I wasn’t expecting it—was the work of Robert Netting, an anthropologist who had been studying the alpine commons for a very long time. He studied Swiss peasants and then studied in Africa too. He was quite disturbed that people were saying that Africans were primitive because they used common property so frequently and they didn’t know about the benefits of private property. The implication was we’ve got to impose private property rules on them. Netting said, “Are the Swiss peasants stupid? They use common property also.”

The Alps8 Keys to a Successful Commons
Advice on how to govern our commons by Nobel winner Elinor Ostrom.

Let’s think about this a bit. In the valleys, they use private property, while up in the alpine areas, they use common property. So the same people know about private property and common property, but they choose to use common property for the alpine areas. Why? Well, the alpine areas are what Netting calls “spotty.” The rainfall is high in one section one year, and the snow is great, and it’s rich. But the other parts of the area are dry. Now if you put fences up for private property, then Smith’s got great grass one year—he can’t even use it all—and Brown doesn’t have any. So, Netting argued, there are places where it makes sense to have an open pasture rather than a closed one. Then he gives you a very good idea of the wide diversity of the particular rules that people have used for managing that common land.

Fran: Why were Netting’s findings so surprising to you?

Elinor: I had grown up thinking that land was something that would always move to private property. I had done my dissertation on groundwater in California, so I was familiar with the management of water as a commons. But when I read Netting, I realized that when there are “spotty” land environments, it really doesn’t make sense to put up fences and have small private plots.

Fran: Lin, if you were to have a sit-down session with someone with a big influence on natural resources policy—say Robert Zoellick, head of the World Bank, or Ken Salazar, Secretary of the U.S. Department of the Interior, what would be your advice?

Elinor: No panaceas! We tend to want simple formulas. We have two main prescriptions: privatize the resource or make it state property with uniform rules. But sometimes the people who are living on the resource are in the best position to figure out how to manage it as a commons.

Fran: Is there a role for government in those situations?

Elinor: We need institutions that enable people to carry out their management roles. For example, if there’s conflict, you need an open, fair court system at a higher level than the people’s resource management unit. You also need institutions that provide accurate knowledge. The United States Geological Survey is one that I point to repeatedly. They don’t come in and try to make proposals as to what you should do. They just do a really good job of providing accurate scientific knowledge, particularly for groundwater basins such as where I did my Ph.D. research years ago. I’m not against government. I’m just against the idea that it’s got to be some bureaucracy that figures everything out for people.

Fran: How important is it that there is a match between a governing jurisdiction and the area of the resource to be managed?

Elinor: To manage common property you need to create boundaries for an area at a size similar to the problem the people are trying to cope with. But it doesn’t need to be a formal jurisdiction. Sometimes public officials don’t even know that the local people have come to some agreements. It may not be in the courts, or even written down. That is why sometimes public authorities wipe out what local people have spent years creating.

Fran: You’ve done your research on small- and medium-sized natural resource jurisdictions. How about the global commons? We have the problems of climate change and oceans that are dying. Are there lessons from your work that are relevant to these massive problems we’re now facing?

Elinor: I really despair over the oceans. There is a very interesting article in Science on the “roving bandit.” It is so tempting to go along the coast and scoop up all the fish you can and then move on. With very big boats, you can do that. I think we could move toward solving that problem, but right now there are not many instrumentalities for doing that.

Regarding global climate change, I’m more hopeful. There are local public benefits that people can receive at the same time they’re generating benefits for the global environment. Take health and transportation as an example. If more people would walk or bicycle to work and use their car only when they have to go some distance, then their health would be better, their personal pocketbooks would be better, and the atmosphere would be better. Of course, if it’s just a few people, it won’t matter, but if more and more people feel “This is the kind of life I should be living,” that can substantially help the global problem. Similarly, if we invest in re-doing the insulation of a lot of buildings, we can save money as well as help the global environment. Yes, we want some global action but boy, if we just sit around and wait for that? Come on!

Fran: Do you have a message for the general public?

Elinor: We need to get people away from the notion that you have to have a fancy car and a huge house. Some of the homes that have been built in the last 10 years just appall me. Why do humans need huge homes? I was born poor and I didn’t know you bought clothes at anything but the Goodwill until I went to college. Some of our mentality about what it means to have a good life is, I think, not going to help us in the next 50 years. We have to think through how to choose a meaningful life where we’re helping one another in ways that really help the Earth.

Fran: Let’s look ahead 20 years. What would you hope that the world will understand about managing common property systems?

Elinor: What we need is a broader sense of what we call “social ecological systems.” We need to look at the biological side and the social side with one framework rather than 30 different languages. That is big, but I now have some of my colleagues very interested. Some of them are young, and what I find encouraging is that with a bunch of us working together, I can see us moving ahead in the next 20 years or so. Twenty years from now, at 96, I probably won’t be as active.

Fran: Not as active? I wouldn’t bet on that.

Fran Korten interviewed Elinor Ostrom for America: The Remix, the Spring 2010 issue of YES! Magazine. Fran is publisher of YES! Magazine.


Powered by WordPress

The views expressed do not necessarily represent those of LAFF and should not be considered an endorsement.